March 8, 2001
Fact Sheet:
in the Proposed Police Meet and Confer Contract
Here are some of the main issues
that cause the ACLU and the Sunshine Project for Police Accountability to
reject the current “Meet and Confer” contract, and to request that the City
Council include the full, publicly negotiated Police Oversight Focus Group
proposals in the final Meet and Confer contract.
Under the negotiated compromise the oversight board’s hearings were all public, and the board got to look at investigative files. Under the secret deal, board deliberations are closed with only a police union representative present. And the board does not get full access to the investigative files; the Monitor has full discretion to withhold any files. If the Austin Police Association didn’t want public hearings for the oversight board, their President Mike Sheffield shouldn’t have signed the POFG agreement that recommended them. Public oversight boards and open records for the complainant gave a measure of accountability and credibility to the process. If the process is conducted in secret and we’re forced to “trust” the chief or the city manager, then nobody will believe that that’s enough.
Most of the provisions changed in the APA-city manager
secret deal pertained to limiting who gets to see information about
investigative files after the Chief has made his final decision. If
boardmembers or citizen and police complainants can’t see the investigative
files, there’s no way to tell whether the department covered up officer
wrongdoing. In fact, there’s no way to tell whether they did a good job.
Under the publicly negotiated agreement, the city council
would appoint oversight boardmembers. Under the secret deal, City Manager Jesus
Garza, who is an enemy of police oversight, would appoint the boardmembers. The
city managers two principle interests in this matter are limiting city
liability and embarrassment. The City Manager already has the power to find out
what’s going on and engage in oversight; he has not done so.
Under the publicly negotiated POFG model, the Police
Monitor’s reports were only limited by current law. Under the agreement, the
Police Monitor is an at-will employee of the City Manager who cannot speak to
the City Council about specific cases under penalty of criminal prosecution.
In the cities after which Austin copied its Police Monitor
model, participants say that letting officers use the civilian complaint system
– instead of having to go directly to the Internal Affairs Department – makes
it more likely that officers will feel free to address complaints. The publicly
negotiated system allows officers to file complaints with the Police Monitor,
but the secret deal changed that to make officers continue to use Internal
Affairs, segregating civilian and police complaints.
“Good cops” will be more likely, not less likely to
complain under the POFG
Chief Knee says the publicly negotiated POFG proposals would
make officers less likely to complain. That’s not true because the POFG
doesn’t authorize “public release of the file” as Knee told City Council. The
file is only released to the complainant. If the complainant is an officer,
then that officer may receive the file. In the case of Officer Stan Farris
whose silhouette recently was on an Austin Chronicle cover, for example,
Farris complained to the department but could not see that it had any result.
He ultimately went to federal court to unearth information. Under our system he
could receive a copy of the investigative file at the end of the discipline
process after the chief had formally decided to sustain or deny Officer
Farris’ complaint.
Also, the POFG allowed officers who had complaints filed
against them to get copies of the investigative file at the end of the process.
That is a huge boon, since now those files are closed to officers. The ACLU
and the Sunshine Project don’t believe the department should keep secret files
on its employees.
The police monitor’s model is based on the one in San Jose
CA, with a review board crafted on to the end of the process as a kind of
“appeal.” In San Jose the Monitor stressed to the POFG how important it was
that both officers and civilians could use the police monitor’s process. Again,
to take the case of Stan Farris from the Chronicle cover story, under
the POFG proposal, Farris could see for himself whether the investigation had
been thorough and competent. Under the union-city manager secret deal, he would
not have access to this process.
Monitor not independent under the secret deal
The Monitor is an at will employee of the city manager. We
don’t think the city manager’s inherent vested interests lie in allowing real
oversight or accountability. More to the point, we think that overseeing him
is PART of the oversight process. He is Stan Knee’s boss, yet APD has many
problems and he’s done nothing but obstruct citizen attempts to fix the
problem. The POFG compromised, making the Monitor appointed by the city
manager, and the oversight board appointed by the City Council. The secret deal
gives all appointment power to the city manager.
What’s worse, the Monitor’s conference under the Meet and
Confer agreement is tape recorded, and recordings are sent to the city manager
and the chief of police. This 1) violates the privacy rights of the complainant
to at least the same extent as releasing officers’ statements, but the secret
deal makes officers’ statements closed, and 2) Gives the department an opportunity
to use information from the Monitor’s conference to pursue criminal charges.
When the APD Internal Affairs Division interviewed the woman over whom APD
Officer Samuel Ramirez lost his job after forcing her to perform oral sex, the
transcript shows the detective spent more time interviewing her looking to
catch her in an admission of criminal activities as he did interviewing
her about what happened with Samuel Ramirez. The Monitor would be perceived as
a neutral figure to the complainant, as opposed to a uniformed officer at IAD.
Thus complainants could be tricked into giving up their own fifth-amendment
rights, not realizing their comments are on the same basis as comments to an
officer – “anything you say can be used against you in a court of law.”
Chief Knee has claimed that release of certain information from investigative files would invade the privacy of officers, witnesses, complainants, etc., or perhaps restrict officers’ fifth amendment rights. That couldn’t be further from the truth. Hundreds of non-civil service cities and 254 Texas Sheriffs’ departments (including the Travis County Sheriff) operate where ALL documents related to complaints and Internal Affairs investigations are completely public in EVERY case, sustained or not, no matter what, except for information excluded under standard common law personal privacy protections. Sheriff Frasier testified before the POFG that this did not cause undue management problems, and that in a couple of cases litigation may have been avoided after attorneys saw the investigative file and determined the department had done no wrong. If Sheriffs all over the state release the same information without violating anyone’s rights, why would it be different for APD? The ACLU would not support a system that violated officers’ privacy or their constitutional rights. The Police Oversight Focus Group Proposals definitively do not.